The Murder of Shane Geoghegan and the Wider Context of Drugs, Criminality and Violence in Ireland
Nov 21st, 2008 by Donagh
Perhaps because I hadn’t checked the news properly that day but while I was publishing our first ILR podcast, an interview with the criminologist Dr. Paul O’Mahony on the Sunday before last, I had no idea that Shane Geoghegan had been murdered in Limerick in a case of mistaken identity.
The murder itself was clearly horrible, and one can understand the public outrage and expressions of grief and revulsion. But what also ensued was a very strident political reaction which displayed the typical opportunism that such extreme cases provide.
It also seemed to confirm exactly what Dr. O’Mahony had been saying in his interview, that changes in criminal justice in Ireland are not necessarily based on the best available evidence, or indeed logic. Rather they are driven by the urges of politicians to respond to populist call that ’something must be done…’
Alex Klemm and I thought that it should be addressed in some way, and it occured to us that the best person to do it would be Dr. O’Mahony himself.
I didn’t think he would, but you have to ask. So, as a response to the fallout from the Shane Geoghegan murder Dr. O’Mahony has written an article for Irish Left Review which provides the context to the situation in Limerick and elsewhere. It also provides a very thoughtful analysis of the real levels of crime in Ireland, the reasons for the increasing levels of violence, the culture that underpins it and the role of Government and the politicians in the Dail, the implications of legislation brought in sometimes hurridely to deal with situations that have grabbed the headline, often designed merely to show that ’something must be done’.
At the centre of the criminality in Ireland at the moment though is the drugs business. Drugs, and their connections to crime are not something that is on the parifary of Irish society. They are endemic throughout the whole of Irish society.
As Dr. O’Mahony puts it:
The Celtic Tiger has had obviously positive effects, but has also had many negative effects, some of which impact on society’s ability to respond effectively to the growth of drug use and violent gang culture. The cultural forces that have encouraged drug use and have therefore empowered drug gangs have brought immense changes to Irish society and local communities. Despite the existence of a new level of political awareness of the underlying causes and despite all the new structures and actions specifically designed for the purpose, we are now far less able to respond effectively to the challenges and dangers of drugs and gangs. The boom period has accelerated the spread of materialism, consumerism, self-centredness, isolation and alienation in Irish life. The more frenetic pace of life and increased levels of stress, the much sharper educational and workplace competition, and commuting, child-care and housing issues all play a role. The old restraining bonds of family, church and community are withering and there is an increasing adherence amongst young Irish people to cynicism, apathy, moral relativism and a hedonistic code of excess. The pervasive obsession with ever more convenient and exciting electronic mass media and forms of communications and with a now globalised popular culture expose people to many psychologically unhealthy role models and cut them off from their local communities and the kind of activities that build solidarity and mutual trust.
All these factors have impacted powerfully on the kind of socialisation provided for our young people and on society’s political capacity to shape positive values and lifestyles and to maintain a constructive sense of interdependence and social inclusiveness. The experience of isolation, alienation, stress and, quite possibly, a sense of being devalued as a person inevitably takes a toll, making it more likely that vulnerable people will turn to alcohol and drugs as a form of release, escape or individual affirmation. The same forces undermine society’s inbuilt, constructive defences against people and groups who for one reason or another reject its values and opt for criminality.
I’m very grateful to Dr. O’Mahony for the article, so if you’re at all interested in the topic I urge you to read it.
Hegelian Dialectics at it’s finest - doncha think?
Jim Mansfield also happens to be a major Fianna Fáil contributor - luck for him I’d say
Since you removed the first comment the other 2 make no sense - that doesn’t seem smart
Was there something in the first comment that you found to be
a) False
b) offensive
c) Libelous?
If not your removal of it is very strange indeed
You might as well remove all other comments by me on this blog entry if you are going to do your damndest to remove all sense from them
ok - I have no idea what is going on with your comment-funtions - now my first comment is viewable once again
SO maybe you are trying to confirm before you publish - in which case be my guest.
‘…what also ensued was a very strident political reaction which displayed the typical opportunism that such extreme cases provide.’
There are very, very few politicians at any level in this country who are interested in anything but a vote. The high minded ideals of those who say that they are engaged in public service are simply platitudes. Did anyone believe Haughey when he said, ‘I did the state some service?’ That was almost two decades ago and I have seen nothing in the interim to change my extremely low opinion of politics. This strident, opportunistic poitical reaction is best ignored.
As to how we tackle the menace of illicit drugs in modern society, I will not pretend to have a complete solution. However, as has been pointed out on many occasions by a multitude of commentators before me, the war on drugs has been a losing battle for a very long time. Fintan O’Toole recently outlined in The Irish Times the lenght of society’s fight against the proliferation of illegal substances in human society, a fight which has been going on for centuries and one which we seem unable to win. I don’t believe that, as some suggest, we should simply legalise and tax substances such as cocaine and heroin. For the state to legitimise the use of class A drugs can only lead to the creation of generation after generation of new addicts. It does, though, seem to me that a disproportionate amount of resources are deployed in tackling the suppliers of illegal drugs. Despite many high profile successes in taking out large traffickers the line of up and coming drug lords to replace them seems unending. This is, obviously, a very stark case of a simple supply and demand economy. As long as we fail to adequately tackle the demand side of this equation there will always be a people flooding into the supply side. The current laws on the use of class A drugs are quite adequate to put a serious dent in demand if they were properly enforced. There would seem, however, to be little appetite in poitical circles for the unpopular tactic of locking up otherwise hard working, tax paying citizens. As long as we ignore the huge middlle and upper class market for cocaine and heroin we will never win the war.